فصلنامه دولت پژوهی
پیاپی 34 (تابستان 1402)

Digital transformation is one of the new areas that is key in almost all innovation and change processes which has been adopted by institutions and organizations due to its positive effects on increasing workflow efficiency and reducing errors, improving performance and quality productivity and, as a result, increasing customer satisfaction, this term has been considered in different fields and sectors. Despite all the advantages of using new technologies, the digitization of various departments of organizations has faced many challenges to governments. On the one hand, the rapid growth of technologies and the management of data generated in new environments have caused changes in many government processes. Data protection and citizens' privacy are among the issues that need to be given more attention in the transformation of the digital government. This article, with an analytical and applied approach, examines the comprehensive electronic government document of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of indicators and components of the digital government as well as data governance. In the first part, the article explains the need to pay attention to digital transformation and the category of data governance and their impact on government processes. In the following, the main components of data governance are considered in order to apply digital transformation in e-government. In this regard, various dimensions of data governance such as data protection, data processes, laws, standards and related indicators are analyzed. Then, the comprehensive electronic government document of the Islamic Republic of Iran is evaluated from the perspective of the components of the digital government and with an emphasis on data governance. In this regard, components such as the transformation of government services, paying attention to user-oriented and data-oriented approaches, creating a government cloud, greater clarity and transparency of processes and adopting data-related approaches (data quality management, data security and protection management, content management and data warehouses, database process management) are emphasized. In the end, suggestions for improving data governance processes in the country are presented, emphasizing the components of digital government. In general, digital transformation has changed the expectations of governments and led to user-centric and data-centric approaches. Digital transformation does not mean only the digitization of resources and services; rather, transformation should be made in all goals, processes, procedures and structures. Considering the role of transformation and digital transformation in the development of governments, in this article, it is suggested to formulate a comprehensive and integrated data governance strategy based on data governance maturity models. It is necessary to adopt new strategies to protect, manage and develop data as a valuable organizational asset. Reviewing and updating proposed laws, regulations or policies related to electronic transactions, digital signatures and identification and leveraging digital technologies to bring together stakeholders from all levels of government and outside government to deliver better outcomes and develop individual and collective capacities to strengthen the impact of digital government Digital government is another necessity. In general, digital transformation has changed the expectations of governments and led to user-centric and data-centric approaches. Digital transformation does not mean only the digitization of resources and services; rather, transformation should be made in all goals, processes, procedures and structures. Considering the role of transformation and digital transformation in the development of governments, in this article, it is suggested to formulate a comprehensive and integrated data governance strategy based on data governance maturity models. It is necessary to adopt new strategies to protect, manage and develop data as a valuable organizational asset. Reviewing and updating proposed laws, regulations or policies related to electronic transactions, digital signatures and identification and leveraging digital technologies to bring together stakeholders from all levels of government and outside government to deliver better outcomes and develop individual and collective capacities to strengthen the impact of digital government Digital government is another necessity. The use of data governance models requires coherent and strategic planning for the use of digital technologies in all areas and at all administrative levels. Governments must ensure that their risk management capabilities, norms, structures and models are aligned with their digital government strategic vision. It is essential that governments also understand the level of organizational maturity of the public sector in relation to project management methods and approaches and can achieve appropriate levels of maturity in digital government investment. The failure of governments to transition to the new digital environment can have significant consequences, including poor service delivery, inadequate distribution of funds, privacy violations, security breaches, and loss of citizen trust. For this reason, effective digital government strategies must be responsive to public expectations in terms of economic and social value, data openness, innovation, personalized service delivery, and dialogue with business citizens.

In recent decades, the provision of basic human rights has become one of the most important concerns of human societies. Therefore, the governments try to protect these rights by approving international and regional documents, and they set tasks for the governments in this regard. In the meantime, European countries took the lead in compiling regional human rights documents and in the first years after the Second World War, on November 4, 1950, they approved a document entitled "European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms". One of the articles of the "European Convention on Human Rights" that specifically deals with basic human rights is Article 8 of this convention. This article contains two clauses. In the first paragraph, four basic human rights are mentioned and it is emphasized that governments should respect these rights. This is stated in this paragraph: " Everyone has the right to respect for his private and family life, his home and his correspondence ". In the second paragraph of Article 8, the convention prohibits the interference of member states in these four rights of their citizens and only in exceptional circumstances and if the conditions mentioned in this paragraph are met, it has allowed governments to interfere with these rights. It is stated in paragraph two in this regard: " There shall be no interference by a public authority with the exercise of this right except such as is in accordance with the law and is necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security, public safety or the economic well-being of the country, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. " The present study, which has been written in a descriptive manner using library and Internet resources, aims to answer the main question whether the obligation provided for in Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights for the member states of this convention is merely a negative obligation in the sense of refraining from any unauthorized interference or, under this article, do governments have positive obligations to ensure that their citizens have access to these rights? In case of acceptance of positive obligations for governments, what are the conditions for applying these obligations? What are the most important challenges that the European Court of Human Rights faces when dealing with complaints related to violations of the positive obligations of governments? In order to answer these questions, we first examined the concept of the four rights that are protected in Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Then we explained the concept of negative obligations and positive obligations of governments under Article 8. Then we have examined the conditions of applying positive obligations by countries and examined the most important areas that have led to challenges for the European Court of Human Rights in this regard. The research findings show that Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights is an article that has two aspects. This article, in addition to providing for a negative commitment to refrain from unauthorized interference with the four rights set forth in this article, also includes a positive commitment by States to take the necessary measures to protect these four rights against unauthorized interference. The identification of positive obligations for states in Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights was discussed for the first time in 1979 and in the case of "Marckx v. Belgium" by the European Court of Human Rights. In this case, referring to the word "respect" which was used in the first paragraph of Article 8 of the Convention, the court recognized the existence of positive obligations on the governments. The court decided that considering that the first paragraph of Article 8 obliges governments to "respect" the "private", "family life", "home" and "correspondence" of the citizens, therefore the government Both in approving laws and in the process of dealing with lawsuits, they must take the necessary measures to protect these four rights of citizens. Accordingly, the European Court of Human Rights has convicted member states of violating the Convention in cases where they refuse to fulfill their positive obligations. However, the European Court of Human Rights has faced the challenge of how to strike a balance between the public interest of society and the individual interest of individuals in dealing with cases involving the recognition of positive obligations to governments.

Although Iran's contact with developments in the Western world can be found in the European travelogues of Iranians during the “Safavid” and “Qajar” periods, But Iranians' dealings with the West go back to the Iran-Russia War.When Iran's military forces were defeated by Russia, “Abbas Mirza”, the war commander and Qajar crown prince, decided to increase Iran's military power by hiring military, medical and technical experts from Europe and sending a number of Iranian students to the West. As a result, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts from Europe were the first actions of the crown prince to modernize Iran. So, from the beginning of the 19th century, reforming the educational system and importing technology and hiring military experts were among the first actions of the Crown Prince for modernization in Iran. The link between Iran's modernization and westernization created consequences and opposition in the country, and the traditional and religious system of education in Iran did not reflect it, and Iran's modernization faced complex obstacles. After “Abbas Mirza”, the other efforts of Iranian reformers in modernizing and reforming education in Iran continued with the establishment of “Daral-Funu”, School of Political Sciences, Missionary and “Rushdieh” schools until the formation of the constitution in 1906. But Iran could not benefit from a modern government and a coherent education system. This goal was postponed until the establishment of an absolute government during Reza Shah's period, and it was with the emergence of his government that the modernization of Iran in various dimensions with a focus on modern education became the fundamental goal of the new government. So far, many Researches have examined the performance of the first Pahlavi government and his modernization policies in Iran, but the studies have mainly focused on the government's identity building policy and less attention has been paid to the mutual effects of modernization and modern education in Iranian society. By examining the studies, the distinction and innovation of the current research is the explanation of modernization and education in the first Pahlavi government by relying on the theory of elitism. Based on this, the current research has tried to discuss and investigate the educational policies and measures of the first Pahlavi government, considering the cultural trends of modernization, such as the expansion of educational institutions and bureaucracy, nationalism and secularism. Therefore, the aim of the current research is to analyze the modernization and education in the first Pahlavi period and the fundamental change of Iranian society. The main question of the current research is; what changes did the performance of Reza Shah's government in the field of modernizing the educational system bring about in Iran? In order to investigate this issue, the current research has been investigated through descriptive and historical analysis. Historical analysis is a method that examines past records and documents to understand the past. In this research, by examining the actions and historical documents of the first Pahlavi government, an attempt has been made to analyze the modernization and educational policies of this period. As the findings of the research show, the constitutional failure in the formation of the centralized government of Iran was the basis for the emergence of the Pahlavi I absolute government and Reza Shah's authoritarian modernization in the country. Focusing on the political and military forces and the structure of the army, court and bureaucracy under modernization from above, his government started measures to transition Iran from traditional to capitalist and modern. One of the most important actions of this authoritarian modernization was the expansion of education in Iran. Accordingly, education in Iran during the first Pahlavi period was not only based on learning science, but had a dual function. On the one hand, the formation of citizens interested in the land of Iran in the direction of serving the country and loyalty to the king and the political system was considered, and on the other hand, the educational structure of the country in the service of modernizing the administrative apparatus in order to supply the strength of the newly established bureaucracy, nationalism, secularism and Westernization was placed. Although this view strengthened the central and inclusive government in Iran, the country's education system faced many challenges that continued for decades. The modern educational system, like the traditional educational system, relied on maintaining a large amount of information and strengthening memory and theoretical sciences that prepared citizens for administrative and managerial positions. As a result, since the beginning of the establishment of this educational system, we have witnessed quantity instead of quality and the efforts of graduates to gain status and prestige in the government and society. In such an arrangement, the cultivation of people with critical rationality and demanding citizenship is not considered, and the school, as a man-making factory, finds the task of making people in line with the ideological beliefs of the ruling regime. Emphasizing this demand, Reza Shah asked students and graduates to be obedient and patriotic people who serve the ideals of the political system. Because the first Pahlavi modernization lacked flexibility and acceptance of reforms from below, and with modernization from above, he followed educational policies in Iran and spread Pahlavi ideology in the society in this way. This ideological construction was indifferent to religious and local traditions and focused on the combination of Iranism and secularism in order to build a new Iran. On this basis, the new educational system was also used to build the ideology of modernization from above and did not pay attention to the educational functions and its compatibility with the local conditions of the Iranian society.

Mencius and Farabi are prominent representatives of two important Eastern intellectual traditions, namely Confucian-Chinese philosophy and Islamic-Iranian philosophy, who had basic reflections on the nature and functions of the state and how to moralize it efficiently. The basic question of the article is the attitude of these two political philosophers towards the fusion of ethics and politics in the state and how to draw the moral state. The hypothesis is based on the elaboration of ethics and politics in the concepts of utopia, prosperity, legitimacy and justice and the formation of the moral state from the perspective of Mencius and Farabi and their major similarity in the general approach, which, based on the comparative research method, has many commonalities and noteworthy differences. Government, essential good, continuity and unity of ethics and politics, instrumental and maximal government/comprehensive social security/providing security-welfare-virtue, Hakim-Shahriar government, relationship between religion, politics, spirituality and ethics, happiness is a multi-faceted and multi-dimensional matter/achievement Happiness is a relative matter, the legitimacy of the heavenly and earthly duality, moderation and middle ground/opposition to its excess and immorality/and comprehensive justice are the commonalities of these two. Establishing a balance between the elitist and populist approach by Mencius, more clarity on the instrumentality of the state/and in terms of the right of revolution, more emphasis on the duties of the government/servant government, empirical-rational-detailed description, comprehensive happiness between nature and will, the role of the people Beyond Farabi's theory/the voice of the people is the voice of God, and more emphasis on political justice, the differences between Menisos and Farabi in the field of moral government can be enumerated. Mencius, a great thinker and philosopher of East Asia, and Farabi, a thinker and a high-level philosopher of West Asia, are two examples of treasures that the explanation of their opinions in the field of government can increase the connection between these two rich and deep traditions. In this research, an attempt has been made to analyze the fields related to ethics and politics, which are the components of the term called political ethics, and based on this, to clarify the similarities and differences between the two. Mensus, like Farabi, who is the second teacher in the philosophical tradition of Islam, can be called the second teacher in the Confucian tradition. He explained and explained and of course invented and theorized in the school of Confucius and is considered the closest interpreter of Confucius to him. Like Aristotle, Mencius and Farabi believed that man is a political animal and can only fully expand these relationships when he is inside the state and society. He considers the government to be a moral institution and they believe that its head should be a moral leader. According to these two philosophers, the distribution of charity among all the members of Madinah is based on the eligibility of people. Charities include officials and positions, security, health, dignity and status, sanctity, property, wealth and the like. Therefore, all citizens have rights, and everyone has the right to have a job and work suitable to their social personality. Unlike today's political philosophy in the West, Farabi does not believe in the separation of public and private spheres and considers them to be the same. The similarity between Al-Farabi and Mencius is the special prominence of political philosophy in the thoughts of these two. But in this field, the difference between the two is also clear. While Farabi follows political philosophy in the form of political wisdom in theory. Mencius seeks political wisdom in the public arena. According to Mencius and Farabi, a good, efficient and superior government is the result of the combination of ethics and politics. Based on this, the work of a good government should start from the people and go up, not from the ruling class and go down. People are not only the root but also the last judge of the government. Utopia, which is an ideal society, is realized when ethics and politics are combined. Happiness is multifaceted and multidimensional. Learning the benevolence of the community and the people is the extension of justice. Justice is realized when people have the ability and power to exercise sovereignty and can criticize the government and, if necessary, criticize it or correct it. In response to this question, Mencius considers the government a moral institution and believes that its head should be a moral leader.

One of the criteria by which states in the current international system can be classified is the amount of power they actually enjoy or are often thought to have. Based on this criterion, states are divided into big powers, middle powers and small states. Great powers are states that define global interests and responsibilities for themselves, they mainly play a leading role in international organizations, they act unilaterally in the first place, and in case of failure, they act in cooperation with other counterparts, an unequal/one-sided relationship. They establish relations with other states, including middle powers and small states, and in addition, in a socio-historical context, their status as a great power has been recognized by other members of the international community. The middle powers neither have the capacity nor the desire to become a great power, nor are they weak enough to be caught in the abyss of absolute action. Instead, their ability in the international arena is average, by not challenging the existing international system and its great powers, they advance their foreign policy based on domestic prosperity and survival in the international arena, and by creating norms of peaceful behavior. and encouraging the settlement of disputes through international law and international institutions, instead of resorting to force, they try to introduce themselves as a country that seeks to stabilize the world order. Small states, meanwhile, have some distinctive features: for example, they have to adopt one of two approaches towards international developments not least international conflicts: diplomatic Isolationism or diplomatic activism. Thus, the limitation of internal power resources as well as foreign power relations makes the small state to adopt a cooperative approach, which, as a result, makes mediation the Centre of its diplomatic efforts. However, in today's era, small states are not like in the past that cannot compensate for their vulnerability because they have increasingly become important and influential actors in international politics. Although the scale of their operations is significantly different from that of larger states, they are not ignored even in the current world of unequal power relations, so that their diplomatic activities and influence on international politics may exceed their actual capabilities. The Sultanate of Oman is a clear example of a small state that has become an influential state, at least at the regional level, by adopting a policy of mediation in its foreign policy. Since the reign of Sultan Qaboos bin Saeed (1970-1920) and even following his death, this state has adopted a distinct foreign policy based on mediation. On this basis, the question of the present study is why mediation has played a pivotal role in Oman's foreign policy in the face of regional developments in West Asia during the reign of Sultan Qaboos. In answering to this question, drawing on the conceptual framework of the small state Diplomacy, and Using the integrated method of quantitative-qualitative content analysis, it is argued that the limitations of Oman's power as a small state have made Oman willing to mediate in foreign policy in the face of regional developments in West Asia. The findings of the study indicate that the opportunities of Oman's foreign policy for the Islamic Republic of Iran far more than its challenges, so that this sultanate can reduce the current regional and international pressures and moderate the behavior of enemies and rivals of the country. In this article, it was shown how Mbanjigari has been able to promote a small state like Oman as a respectable actor in the international and regional arena. In this regard, by turning to a functional explanation, it was argued that the centrality of mediation in diplomatic efforts, with its "branding/highlighting function", was caused by Oman's cooperative approach towards regional and international actors and issues; And Oman's cooperative approach, with its "function of ensuring survival", has arisen from the limitations of Oman's power and has caused this government to adopt a cooperative approach in order to compensate for the damage caused by it, and as a result, mediation is the focus of its efforts. Having said that, Oman as a small state has always acted as an adopted child of great powers. In continuation of this tension-free approach with great powers, Oman has tried to use communication mediation to highlight itself.

Rouhani’s promises and programs in the twelfth presidential election created a lot of expectations, especially among his supporters. However, after the victory, he confronted the frustration of many of his supporters and the dissatisfaction of many social groups. The question is how and by what factors this situation was created and what were the consequences. In this article, this question is answered based on an extended model of the theory of "relative deprivation" and by exploring the data available in cyberspace along with the documentary data. The findings of the article demonstrate that the second Rouhani's second administration, on the one hand, had created a high volume of expectations and demands, and on the other hand, from the first days of its establishment, faced increasing restrictions on the fulfillment of these expectations and demands. These constraints are due to several factors. Rising pressure from rival forces and institutions during the arrangement of the cabinet, the withdrawal of US from JCPOA and the escalation of sanctions and inconsistent and contradictory policies of the government, especially in the monetary and budgeting context, were among the most important factors. These factors have deepened the economic crisis, raised inflation, unemployment and poverty, and concerns of the lower and middle classes. This situation provoked a chain of social and political protests in the real world and in cyberspace, especially from January 2018 to August 2018. Although the protests were suppressed, they created political distrust and severe frustration among various groups over the Rouhani government's ability.

Islam, as the last and most comprehensive religion, undoubtedly includes social and governmental dimensions in addition to individual dimensions, and has provided specific frameworks for the economic and political systems of managing the social life of humans. In order for the foreign policy of the Islamic government to achieve the desired goals in the prosperity and perfection of society, it is necessary to regulate the actions of the foreign policy of the Islamic government in the light of the principles and fundamental rules derived from Islamic law. Before the victory of the Islamic revolution in Iran and the establishment of a government based on the Islamic Sharia, although centuries had passed since the formation of jurisprudence and researching in various Islamic sciences, among the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt, the governmental aspects of Shiism, due to not being practical, were given less importance. Considering this reason, after the establishment of the government of the Islamic Republic, and especially in the current situation, when more than 40 years have passed since the establishment of this holy system, which is based on the rules of pure Islam and the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt, the need for research in these areas is even more necessary. One of the most effective issues in achieving the goals of Islamic society and Islamic government, is relations with other governments and countries, which are regulated based on foreign policy. In foreign policy, having the right prioritization, which forms the basis of the country's numerous and important foreign policy choices, is essential to having a consistent and appropriate foreign policy. the main question in this matter is, what is that prioritization based on the principles and rules of jurisprudence? and what factors are effective in arranging the jurisprudential principles and rules related to foreign policy Something that seems to have been somewhat neglected so far. Considering that foreign policy is a concept that has taken a different form after the formation of modern governments, in the old jurisprudence and narrative texts, there is no specific discussion under the title of foreign policy prioritization; Although the discussion of relations with other nations is one of the topics that the Holy Qur'an and hadiths have dealt with, and the scholars have also discussed it and raised it among other jurisprudential issues since the beginning of the establishment of the Islamic State. In addition, with the conducted surveys, there is no research work that has paid independently to Prioritization of foreign policy actions in Islam. But there are some researches that are somehow related to the issue of foreign policy and Islamic international relations. The main purpose of this research is to examine the priorities of foreign policy action from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence. In addition, the position of expediency in the foreign policy of the Islamic State from a jurisprudential point of view and the role of the ability to achieve goals in prioritizing foreign policy from a jurisprudential perspective is also examined. The present study reinforces the idea that by using conflict resolution methods in the science of principles of jurisprudence and rational principle, the most important preference, as well as the realities of the contemporary world, the problems of the Islamic world in the present age and the role of foreign policy in providing It has the interests of countries, according to the circumstances, it is possible to make an arrangement for prioritization of the most important principles and rules of foreign policy from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence and consequently, the necessary actions to implement them. It can be said that in prioritizing foreign policy from the point of view of the jurisprudence of Islamic religions, principles and rules such as peaceful coexistence, the Mustache negation rule, the principle of the necessity of contracts, the principle of reciprocity, the principle of invitation, the concepts of power and public interest; are decisive principles and rules. Also, this general principle that the existence of a task in the implementation of each of the prioritized principles depends on its ability to do so, and also in case of conflict between any of the principles of foreign policy with the principle of expediency, expediency, especially expediency of maintaining the of Islamic system takes precedence over everything, it is deduced.

The main issue of this article is about the relationship of work and Coronavirus and the changes and transformations that have been created in the field of work due to the occurrence of this global risk and, as a result, have transformed the role of the government; changes that, according to Ulrich beck's interpretation, by removing the standards and certainties of work, such as working in a specific place as a factory or an office and during specific hours of the day, have caused the destandardization of work and turned the global society into a risk global society and caused citizens to rethink the internal and international role of governments. Indeed, Coronavirus By forcing governments to adopt policies such as quarantine, forced suspension of jobs, limiting social interactions and reducing relations with other countries not only led to the closure of many businesses and unemployment of many people, but also by creating the need for a decisive role of the government in order to support different classes of different societies around the world to deal with this pandemic, it widened the scope of government's influence and the field of its social interventions. So, according to the findings of the research, which are the result of documentary studies by using the historical-adaptive approach to compare two different types of government in China and the United States, it can be inferred that with the outbreak of Corona, the liberal model of government is being replaced by a stronger government that is not a type of Chinese authoritarianism, but is an embedded liberalism that combines economic freedom with domestic social support. Some Important works have been written about the political and social consequences of Corona, among which we can mention Francis Fukuyama's article (2020) entitled "Pandemic and Political Order". The author claims that this crisis, like other global crises such as: The Great Recession, World Wars, the 11th September attack, has special consequences which its political dimensions are even more important than its economic effects; Therefore, this pandemic can lead to the intensification of nationalism, isolationism and an attack to the liberal political order. Farhad zivyar and reza khodabandelou(2019) in an article entitled " corona and reproduction of authoritarianism in democratic states" claim that successful experience of authoritarian states such as china in dealing with coronavirus can turn the global desire in to the accumulation and concentration of power and therefore, the closure of democratic space. But what distinguishes this article from other works that have been written in this field is its focus on the work and risks that have occurred in this arena by the occurrence of Corona that has changed the citizen's attitude about the role of government and the philosophy of its existence. In addition, although these works give priority to authoritarian states in drawing the political order of the post-coronavirus world, in this article, authoritarianism has its own criticisms that reveal the necessity of moving towards a middle path in the frame of embedded liberalism. So, it can be concluded that although since four decades ago, the best government is the one that restricts its field of intervention in society and only provides military security in the country, but in the risk situation, not only governments have found an opportunity to expand their interventions in the society, but also citizens have come to the conclusion that their egalitarianism concerns and their comprehensive security may be more important than their liberal desires. So, they prefer governments that deal with this pandemic and its harmful effects in different aspects with a wider range of power. The weak performance and inefficiency of the United States of America as the leader of the neoliberal agenda of the role and duties of the government on the one hand and the success of Chinese authoritarianism in dealing with this pandemic, verifies the accuracy of this matter. Of course, it does not mean that the Chinese authoritarian system is uncritical and perfect and its acceptance by other countries in the post-corona world is inevitable; Because China, due to the special features of its political system, such as complete controlling the flow of information, may be condemned of intervening the private sphere and totalitarianism. Therefore, it seems that balance is a requirement of dynamism, and this dynamism can be seen in the performance of Denmark government, which seeks to create a balance between international economic freedom and domestic social protection. So it's possible that the political order in the post-Corona world should be based on an embedded liberalism that maintains its economic independence and stands on its own feet in the international arena despite being affected by the flow of global communications and exchanges.